Oil Price: Two Chinese oil tankers, one carrying Iraqi oil, leave the Strait of Hormuz
Oil Price: Two Chinese oil tankers, one carrying Iraqi oil, leave the Strait of Hormuz
Two Chinese oil tankers carrying Iraqi and Saudi crude oil rushed towards the exit of the Strait of Hormuz on Thursday, before stopping at the entrance to the strait, in an indication that the Chinese ship owners are apparently testing the conditions for resuming navigation.
A report by OilPrice.com, translated by Al-Maalomah News Agency, stated that the crude oil tanker “Cospiral Lake,” belonging to the Chinese state-owned shipping company COSCO, departed Basra, Iraq, in early March, and openly declares itself Chinese-owned and crewed, according to data from MarineTraffic.
The report added that the Chinese vessel is among several tankers that have been maneuvering in the Gulf in preparation for a possible passage through the Strait of Hormuz since the United States and Iran announced a two-week ceasefire on Tuesday evening.
The report explained that despite the ceasefire, which is conditional on Iran reopening the Strait of Hormuz, there has been little change in shipping traffic over the past 24 hours. While some ships have managed to depart, Iran remains in control, reportedly informing vessels via radio that they still require Tehran’s approval to transit the Strait of Hormuz.
The Danish shipping giant Maersk said in a statement following the ceasefire announcement: “Information and details are still very limited, and we are working urgently to obtain further clarification,” adding, “The ceasefire may offer opportunities for transit, but…” It does not yet provide a complete guarantee of safe navigation, and we need to understand all the potential conditions that may accompany it.
According to Windward Maritime Intelligence, “Coordination with the Iranian armed forces remains essential for all transit operations,” noting that “Iran has confirmed that this is done ‘within technical constraints’ without specifying what those constraints are, but all indications suggest that the Islamic Republic is seeking to maintain its influence over the waterway during ceasefire negotiations.”
Almaalomah.me
Regardless of the Kurdish agreement, the framework intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic and postpones the nomination of the Prime Minister.
Regardless of the Kurdish agreement, the framework intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic and postpones the nomination of the Prime Minister.
The coordinating framework that includes the ruling Shiite political forces in Iraq intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic in the House of Representatives session scheduled to be held at the beginning of next week, whether or not an agreement is reached between the Kurdish forces, to whom this position has become their share, while the nomination of a candidate for the position of Prime Minister will be postponed until further notice due to the lack of agreement on this aspect.
Iraqi political parties are trying to alleviate the internal pressure they are under, especially after several months have passed since the legislative elections in late 2025 and their failure to form a new Iraqi government. Regional developments have added another layer of complexity to the scene, with security tensions escalating to unprecedented levels in the Middle East region.
In this regard, MP Jawad Rahim Al-Saadi, from the State Forces Alliance, told Shafaq News Agency that next Saturday’s session of the House of Representatives is dedicated to choosing the new President of the Republic of Iraq, stressing that, according to diplomatic and political custom, this position is allocated to the Kurdish forces, “specifically to the Patriotic Union,” as he put it.
After the Iraqi parliament elected its new speaker, who is from the Sunni component, it was the Kurds’ turn to present their candidate for the position of President of the Republic, which is from this component.
It has been customary for this position to go to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party, but in the last two election cycles, the Kurdistan Democratic Party objected to this and began demanding that a candidate from its party assume this position, especially after it swept the elections with the highest number of votes in the two cycles in the Kurdistan Region.
Regarding the Kurds’ position on Saturday’s session, Al-Saadi confirmed, “If they agree, the agreed-upon candidate for the position of President of the Republic will be passed by them, and if that does not happen, the choice will be up to the members of the House of Representatives.”
At the end of 2025, Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani called for a change in the mechanism for electing the Iraqi president, which is the “quota of the Kurds,” while he submitted a proposal that stipulates that this position be held by a candidate chosen by the Kurdish parties and blocs, and not necessarily be exclusive to the two main parties in the region (the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan).
The issue of selecting a Kurdish candidate for the presidency of the Republic of Iraq, a position traditionally reserved for this component of Iraqi society, remains unresolved due to political disagreements and a lack of consensus between the two main parties in the Kurdistan Region.
After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in the spring of 2003 at the hands of American forces and their allies, the major political forces of the Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis adopted a quota system in distributing positions for the three presidencies: the Prime Minister’s office, the Republic, and Parliament.
Regarding the candidate of the Coordination Framework for the position of Prime Minister, the MP from the “State Forces Alliance” indicated that there is no agreed-upon candidate within the framework at the present time, revealing that the framework will present its candidate after the election of the President of the Republic.
The Coordination Framework had officially nominated Maliki on January 24, a move that opened the door to negotiations to form the new government, but the process faltered as disagreements continued over the election of the President of the Republic, the constitutional entitlement that precedes assigning the candidate of the largest bloc to form the government.
Any future prime minister in Iraq will face challenges in managing the balance between Iranian influence and American pressure, as well as the issue of armed factions linked to Tehran.
Pressure on Maliki’s nomination increased after US President Donald Trump announced on January 27 that Washington would not continue to support Iraq if Maliki returned to the premiership, while Maliki later said he would welcome a decision to replace his nomination if it came from the coalition that nominated him.
An informed political source revealed to Shafaq News Agency at the beginning of March that the Coordination Framework had withdrawn its nomination of Maliki for the position of Prime Minister.
Shafaq.com
Al-Hakim urges the Kurds to decide on a presidential candidate to facilitate the formation of the Iraqi government.
Al-Hakim urges the Kurds to decide on a presidential candidate to facilitate the formation of the Iraqi government.
The head of the National State Forces Alliance, Ammar al-Hakim, called on the Kurdish forces on Thursday to agree on a candidate for the position of President of the Republic, stressing that this consensus would “facilitate the task” for the rest of the political forces in completing the constitutional requirements.
This came during his meeting with the Turkish Ambassador to Baghdad, Anil Bora Inan, where they reviewed developments in the Iraqi and regional arenas, and ways to strengthen relations between the two neighboring countries.
According to a statement from his office seen by Shafaq News Agency, Al-Hakim expressed his hope for the continuation and adherence to the regional ceasefire, and the commencement of negotiations leading to a comprehensive agreement that guarantees lasting peace, stressing that “the dialogue table is capable of resolving all problems if the serious will is available.”
On the domestic front, Al-Hakim reiterated that the current circumstances in the region necessitate a “fully empowered government” capable of addressing security, economic, and service challenges, noting that resolving the presidential issue is the primary entry point for this process.
Al-Hakim’s call comes at a time when the coordinating framework that includes the ruling Shiite political forces in Iraq intends to decide on the position of President of the Republic in the House of Representatives session scheduled to be held at the beginning of next week, whether or not an agreement is reached between the Kurdish forces, to whom this position has become their share, while the nomination of a candidate for the position of Prime Minister will be postponed until further notice due to the lack of agreement on this aspect, according to what MP Jawad Rahim Al-Saadi of the National State Forces Alliance told Shafaq News Agency earlier today.
Iraqi political parties are trying to alleviate the internal pressure they are under, especially after several months have passed since the legislative elections in late 2025 and their failure to form a new Iraqi government. Regional developments have added another layer of complexity to the scene, with security tensions escalating to unprecedented levels in the Middle East region.
After the Iraqi parliament elected its new speaker, who is from the Sunni component, it was the Kurds’ turn to present their candidate for the position of President of the Republic, which is from this component.
It has been customary for this position to go to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan party, but in the last two election cycles, the Kurdistan Democratic Party objected to this and began demanding that a candidate from its party assume this position, especially after it swept the elections with the highest number of votes in the two cycles in the Kurdistan Region.
At the end of 2025, Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani called for a change in the mechanism for electing the Iraqi president, which is the “quota of the Kurds,” while he submitted a proposal that stipulates that this position be held by a candidate chosen by the Kurdish parties and blocs, and not necessarily be exclusive to the two main parties in the region (the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan).
The issue of selecting a Kurdish candidate for the presidency of the Republic of Iraq, a position traditionally reserved for this component of Iraqi society, remains unresolved due to political disagreements and a lack of consensus between the two main parties in the Kurdistan Region.
After the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in the spring of 2003 at the hands of American forces and their allies, the major political forces of the Shiites, Kurds, and Sunnis adopted a quota system in distributing positions for the three presidencies: the Prime Minister’s office, the Republic, and Parliament.
The Coordination Framework had officially nominated Maliki on January 24, a move that opened the door to negotiations to form the new government, but the process faltered as disagreements continued over the election of the President of the Republic, the constitutional entitlement that precedes assigning the candidate of the largest bloc to form the government.
Any future prime minister in Iraq will face challenges in managing the balance between Iranian influence and American pressure, as well as the issue of armed factions linked to Tehran.
Pressure on Maliki’s nomination increased after US President Donald Trump announced on January 27 that Washington would not continue to support Iraq if Maliki returned to the premiership, while Maliki later said he would welcome a decision to replace his nomination if it came from the coalition that nominated him.
An informed political source revealed to Shafaq News Agency at the beginning of March that the Coordination Framework had withdrawn its nomination of Maliki for the position of Prime Minister.
Shafaq.com
23 years since the fall of Saddam’s regime… What has changed in Iraq?
23 years since the fall of Saddam’s regime… What has changed in Iraq?
After 2003, Iraq witnessed unprecedented security, political, economic and media transformations following the fall of the Baath Party regime led by Saddam Hussein.
On April 9, 23 years ago, the entry of American tanks into the heart of the Iraqi capital, Baghdad, marked a pivotal moment in the country’s history, ending 35 years of dictatorial rule and opening the door to a new phase full of both challenges and opportunities.
Since that date, Iraqis have faced a major shock to their national security, as the Iraqi army and the Ministries of Defense and Interior were dissolved, causing a security vacuum that led to the emergence of armed groups and terrorist organizations such as “Al-Qaeda” and then “ISIS”.
On the political front, the country has transformed from a totalitarian regime to a fragile pluralism, reflected in the conflicts between political forces and the divisions within Iraqi society, which have affected national identity, according to politicians.
The economy was not spared from these transformations either. While it moved from the stage of the embargo – which lasted for about 13 years – to the stage of openness, it became almost entirely dependent on oil.
This rentier economy has made Iraqis hostages to the fluctuations of global markets and regional geopolitical factors, as recently happened in the aftermath of the US-Iranian war and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, which is a vital artery for Iraqi oil exports.
As for the media, Iraq has witnessed a radical transformation from a unified central media to a diverse media space, both technically and in content, but it still suffers from professional weakness and sectarian political influence, which is confirmed by the academic researcher Dr. Haider Shallal in his reading of the Iraqi media scene.
Political reality
To assess the transformations that have occurred in the Iraqi political system after the fall of the dictatorship, politicians confirm that “the political scene after 2003 was a difficult transitional phase,” as described by Fahd al-Jubouri, a leader in the Wisdom Movement led by Ammar al-Hakim, which is part of the coordinating framework that brings together the ruling Shiite political forces in the country.
Al-Jubouri told Shafaq News Agency, “The events that took place after 2003 until today, concerning a political class, a political system, a popular class, and the general public, and since five election cycles in which a part of the Iraqi street participated in choosing its representatives, have been full of challenges, from a repressive dictatorial regime to an undisciplined democratic phase, which resulted in major problems and ongoing crises.”
According to al-Jubouri, the political groups that formed after the invasion led to sharp divisions that affected national identity. He said: “Part of the Iraqi people lost their national identity, and alternative identities emerged, sectarian, ethnic, and partisan, which were reflected on social media, which became an arena for denouncing opinions, between those who are described as ‘patriots’ and others who call the objector ‘tail’ or ‘agent’.”
He points out that this “natural” political chaos after years of repression needs to be gradually regulated to restore the state to its central role, explaining: “We are now halfway to formulating a basic equation, which is for the state to be the sponsor and responsible for all the details. There are political forces that support this concept, but on the other hand, there are other forces that see it in their interest to weaken the state and hide its existence.”
security transformations
On the security front, Iraq faced enormous challenges from the first day of the invasion, beginning with a major strategic mistake made by the American civilian governor, Paul Bremer, by dissolving the Iraqi army and the Ministries of Defense and Interior, and dismissing about 400,000 soldiers. According to military expert Ali Al-Maamari, this decision was the main reason for the chaos of the early years.
The architect explained to Shafaq News Agency that “Bremer’s decision was unjust, as it left Iraq in a state of security anxiety and instability, which led to the emergence of armed groups, sectarian terrorism, and national divisions,” stressing that “Iraq today needs a national policy that transcends ideology to guarantee its sovereignty and the country’s security and stability.”
The military expert points out that the emergence of organizations such as “Al-Qaeda” later on, and then “ISIS”, revealed the fragility of the security institutions at that stage, and led to an armed conflict that lasted for years, in which the Iraqi citizen had his share of fear and suffering.
He affirms that “the next stage is to impose the state on everyone, after turning the page on the challenges of (ISIS) and the security breakdown, so that the state can take its natural place in the parliamentary political system as stipulated in the constitution.”
Iraqi economy
From an economic standpoint, the Iraqi economy moved from a state of siege and sanctions after 2003 to a new phase, but it did not achieve the desired ambitions, according to economic expert Mustafa Al-Faraj.
Al-Faraj explained to Shafaq News Agency that “the economy has not only moved from a blockade to openness, but has become almost entirely dependent on oil,” noting that “any talk of reform is linked to three axes, starting with decoupling the budget from oil prices, then diversifying sources of income, and finally building real economic institutions.”
Although Iraq possesses enormous resources, it suffers from high unemployment, poor services, and financial fragility, according to the economist, who stressed that “the one-sided dependence on oil makes the economy hostage to price fluctuations and geopolitical factors, while the absence of other production sectors such as agriculture and industry has led to the inflation of the public sector at the expense of real production.”
Al-Faraj also points to another challenge arising from the opening up to imports after 2003, saying that “this opening up has whetted the appetite of traders and neighboring countries at the expense of the local product, which increases the fragility of the Iraqi economy despite the huge resources.”
Media transformations
The effects of the transformation 23 years ago were not limited to politics, security and the economy, but extended to include the media, which also witnessed a radical transformation after 2003, according to media professor Dr. Haider Shallal.
Shalal explained to Shafaq News Agency that “the media has moved from a centralized, directed approach to an open, pluralistic space, and the means have multiplied and the discourses have diversified, but it has suffered from weak professional and legislative organization, which has made the media an arena of conflict between political, religious and social forces, while affecting the credibility of the content.”
The development of technology has contributed to the rise of digital media and made the public an active participant in content creation, but the lack of professionalism and the spread of hate speech remain a challenge, according to Shalal, who stressed: “There is still a need to build a balanced, professional media that combines freedom and responsibility, and calms souls instead of terrifying them.”
Regional context
For his part, Essam Al-Faily, a professor of political science at Al-Mustansiriya University, presents a broader strategic vision that links all local transformations to regional and media transformations, saying that “the fall of the regime in 2003 was the beginning of the New Middle East project.”
Al-Faily told Shafaq News Agency that “the fall of the regime in 2003 contributed to the peaceful fall of multiple regimes, and created a large Israeli presence in the Arab region through new diplomatic relations, and also contributed to the depletion of the economic capabilities of countries due to internal conflicts.”
He concludes by saying that “the period after 2003 drew a new map of the Middle East, almost equivalent to the Sykes-Picot Agreement, and major economic and security projects will emerge in the next phase.”
Shafaq.com
US Embassy in Baghdad: Help us stop the attacks
US Embassy in Baghdad: Help us stop the attacks
The US Embassy in Iraq called on Thursday for any information about those targeting it in Baghdad and other locations.
The embassy said in a brief statement received by Shafaq News Agency: “Help us stop terrorist attacks against the US Embassy in Baghdad or anywhere else.”
She added: “If you have any information about the terrorist militias allied with Iran or about the individuals responsible for these attacks, send it to us today.”
Since the outbreak of war between Iran, the United States and Israel on February 28, the US embassy in Baghdad, as well as the US consulate in the Kurdistan region, along with many other US interests in Iraq, have been subjected to dozens of drone and missile attacks.
Shafaq.com
Iran announces two alternative routes to the Strait of Hormuz due to the possibility of “mines”
Iran announces two alternative routes to the Strait of Hormuz due to the possibility of “mines”
Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Navy announced on Thursday that ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz must take two alternative routes near the Iranian coast, citing the possibility of “mines” on the usual route. The Mehr News Agency quoted a military statement accompanied by a nautical map showing the two routes south and north of Larak Island, saying that “in order to protect against possible mine collisions, and in coordination with the Revolutionary Guard Navy, (ships) will have to take alternative routes through the Strait of Hormuz until further notice.”
Burathanews.com
He moved to approve an emergency budget of $40 billion.
He moved to approve an emergency budget of $40 billion.
He moved to approve an emergency budget of 40 billionIn light of the economic and financial challenges and the significant decline in oil revenues as a result of the war and regional conflicts, the Prime Minister’s financial advisor, Dr. Mazhar Muhammad Salih, announced that the government is adopting a series of measures to ensure the continuity of the work of state institutions and the provision of basic services in the event of a delay in approving the general budget.
In an interview with Al-Sabah, Saleh confirmed that one of the most prominent of these measures is the application of the temporary spending rule (1/12) of the previous year’s budget, based on the amended Federal Financial Management Law No. (6 of 2019). He explained that this procedure allows for the coverage of essential expenditures such as salaries, wages, pensions, and social welfare allocations, which amount to approximately (8) trillion dinars monthly, while funding continues for basic operational costs. New investment projects are suspended or postponed, and only urgent projects are implemented.
Saleh indicated that the government is working on rearranging spending priorities, focusing on vital sectors, and making limited financial transfers between spending categories within the available legal frameworks. In some cases, it may resort to short-term domestic borrowing to cover the temporary deficit and ensure liquidity stability.
In Parliament, MP Ali Salman al-Moussawi revealed a plan to allocate approximately $40 billion as an emergency budget to expedite and complete projects. He explained to Al-Sabah newspaper that some parties within the coordination framework had requested a budget ranging between $30 and $40 billion to achieve this objective.
For his part, Professor of Financial Economics Dr. Ahmed Al-Hathal affirmed Iraq’s ability to secure operational expenses, but pointed out the need to take exceptional measures to cover investment expenses and strategic projects, in light of the sharp decline in oil revenues, disruption of global supplies and increased geopolitical risks.
Al-Hathal explained to Al-Sabah that the move towards an emergency budget aims to stimulate the economic cycle and prevent the cessation of vital projects related to energy, water, food and infrastructure, explaining that any delay in making the decision will lead to an expansion of the recession, an increase in unemployment and a rise in the bill for stalled projects, which will negatively affect citizens and the local market.
Alsabaah.iq
Al-Bayati: The meetings of the next 72 hours will determine the direction of the session to elect the President of the Republic.
Al-Bayati: The meetings of the next 72 hours will determine the direction of the session to elect the President of the Republic.
MP Mohammed Al-Bayati confirmed on Wednesday that the meetings of the next 72 hours will be crucial in determining the direction of the April 11 session dedicated to electing the President of the Republic.
Al-Bayati told Al-Maalomah that “important meetings will be held in the capital, Baghdad, during the next 72 hours, between the various political forces and their representatives, in order to move towards understandings that may help in deciding the choice of the President of the Republic during the session on April 11 that will be held by the Iraqi Parliament.”
He added that “the indicators so far are positive, and all parties realize the importance of expediting the formation of the government to manage complex and highly sensitive files, especially those related to the financial and economic situation,” noting that “the country is going through difficult circumstances, especially with the inability to market the majority of crude oil, which represents the backbone of the public treasury’s revenues, particularly with regard to salaries and other obligations.”
Al-Bayati affirmed that “the next 72 hours will clearly determine the direction of the political forces, and whether the April 11th session will result in the election of the president, and subsequently, the nomination of the largest bloc’s candidate to form the government.” He emphasized that “supporting the swift formation of the government is a priority, because the requirements and challenges of the current stage necessitate accelerating the pace of work and paying attention to the nature and sensitivity of this phase.”
Almaalomah.me
Al-Muslawi: The framework movement is “positive” for deciding on the government candidate, and the presidential deadlock awaits Kurdish consensus.
Al-Muslawi: The framework movement is “positive” for deciding on the government candidate, and the presidential deadlock awaits Kurdish consensus.
The spokesman for the Reconstruction and Building parliamentary bloc, Firas Al-Muslawi, confirmed on Wednesday that there is a “positive” atmosphere and advanced understandings within the coordination framework to resolve the issue of naming a candidate for prime minister, indicating that the only remaining obstacle relates to the issue of the presidency.
Al-Musalmawi told Al-Maalouma News Agency that “the coordination framework has the ability and will to form the next government as quickly as possible,” noting that “the current stalemate is centered on the issue of the presidential candidate, which has not yet been resolved.”
He added that “the framework will be the true support and strong backing for the incoming government, ensuring its success in making the urgent security and economic decisions required by the current stage,” noting that “the country is in dire need of a fully empowered government capable of confronting challenges and providing services to citizens.”
Almaalomah.me